Oh glory, [song] [music] oh the immortal, you who are the source of sorrows [music][song] of the [song][music] now [music][song] [music] cults [song] of sorrows that will [music][song] be [music] freedom. Raise me up, you will pour out [music] dawns [song] of its invincible light. [music] All humanity [song] that in chains [music] understands the words of the one who dwells on the cross. [music] Glory sebe [music] as immortal joy in [music][song] lots of pain the good [song] queá. [music] [music][song] in the furrow of sorrows [music] queá. [music] Next, the President of the Republic, Abelardo de las Priella, addresses you. Colombians, compatriots, good evening. First, I'm going to speak to you today as is appropriate, with the truth, the truth that the radical and corrupt left hid from you for four long years. The fiscal crisis we face is not an accident nor the result of external factors. It is solely the responsibility of Gustavo Petro, his government, his wastefulness, and his corruption. Petro and his government made decisions that are illegal and that left Colombia on the brink of disaster. No crisis or recession in the past compares to the economic disaster that Gustavo Petro and his people caused. Colombia cannot and should not pay for acts of fiscal irresponsibility with which they looted the country, with which they looted the public treasury. I warned about it as soon as I came into government. I said it publicly, in just one week the Petro movement committed 10 trillion pesos. That money wasn't going to investment, it wasn't going to public works, it wasn't going to Colombians, it was going to the massive theft of the public treasury, which is exactly what they did. I inherited public finances in a deplorable state. We inherited a critical fiscal situation that demands urgent measures. But I want to be clear in the midst of this very serious situation. The adjustment we are making is so that our economy can grow again, so that together we can build the miracle homeland. And for the economy to grow again, we need to stop spending recklessly, as if there were no tomorrow. We need to recover private investment, generate confidence, and stop artificially propping up the economy with public spending and debt. That is the great challenge we have ahead of us because of the seriousness of what Petro and his government left us. We are not only taking internal measures, we are also considering international support. Not because Colombia is weak, but because corruption and irresponsibility have put us on the brink of disaster, and we must use all the tools at our disposal to get the country out of there, out of that very dangerous place. During the last few years, the country spent far more than it could afford and resorted irresponsibly to borrowing. Today we are seeing the consequences of all that disaster. Debt service doubled in a decade. Colombia went from allocating one out of every six pesos of its tax revenue to paying debt to about one out of every three pesos today. Imagine, the waste and mismanagement were so great that the debt quota planned to finance the entire year 2026 was almost completely consumed in the first 7 months of this year. By August, around 97% had already been used. The credit resources that were supposed to last for the entire year were spent in just a few months. And I wish all this debt they've left us with had also resulted in infrastructure, progress, services, and a stronger economy, but no. The supposed growth they sold us was sustained by more public spending, more contracts, more bureaucracy. What we have found is madness and of course more corruption, which was the specialty of the previous government. The state grew larger while investment completely collapsed. Public investment fell to its lowest level since 1975. They spent all the money they had, and all that's left of the spending spree is the huge debt we have today. That is why, together with the Minister of Finance and the entire economic team, we presented the budget of truth, because Colombians have the right to know how much the State really costs and what obligations we have to pay. The budget presented by the previous government did not show the whole truth, it lied, left essential expenses unfunded, and did not accurately reflect the true weight of the debt we have today. We decided to put all the accounts on the table with transparency. The truth budget for 2027 amounts to 635 trillion pesos, and there is one figure that clearly shows the seriousness of what we have received. 281 trillion. 44% of the budget resources come from debt, almost half, barely 300 billion, come from current income. This is the scale of the problem we are facing. This is how we found this disaster. Almost half of the budget will depend on borrowed money, on everything that is lent to us. But we are not only paying off the debt of waste, we are paying it off with interest dripping down the drain . By 2027, debt service will reach 155 trillion pesos. Compared to 2026 alone, it increases by about 55 billion. For every 100 pesos of the budget, 24 go to pay off the debt and only 14 are left for investment. That is the reality we inherited and that we have to change. The Minister of Finance, Miguel Gómez Martínez, has said it with absolute clarity, with total transparency and honesty. The budget cannot continue to be hidden as has been done. Obligations cannot be hidden, nor can non-existent income be presented . That's why the government incorporated expenses that had been left unfunded. Paradoxically, those expenses go to the most needy, whom the previous government claimed to defend. Completely false. We are the ones who allocate the budget so that those additional 6.5 trillion pesos for pensions, for example, the 2 trillion pesos for health and the 700 billion pesos for public universities that the Petro government left without money, are there to guarantee all that social work. In addition to this, there is something even more serious. For four years, budgets were built on false revenue figures and spending continued as if that money was going to come in, but it never did. In 2024 alone, tax revenues were 71 trillion pesos less than estimated, and instead of telling the truth, they hid everything to continue with waste and corruption. Year after year, money was spent on income that did not exist, and today all Colombians have to face the consequences of that great irresponsibility. The result is a state with more obligations, more debt, and less capacity to respond when the country really needs it. We also found a chaotic, disordered state. Nearly 60 special funds disperse public resources across a huge number of accounts and concepts. That makes it difficult to know where the money is, how it is being spent, and what results it produces. The very structure of spending facilitates waste and corruption because there are many scattered items and there are no controls that do their job because they are deficient. That's why we're making decisions. The truth budget incorporates an austerity effort of approximately 17.4 trillion pesos. We are reducing almost 13 trillion. In other transfers, nearly 3 trillion in purchases of goods and services, and cutting 2.5 trillion in investment projects that are not a priority. We're not going to keep spending for the sake of spending. Every peso of Colombians must have a justification and a purpose. But I want to emphasize, my dear compatriots, something that I consider fundamental today. We are not going to get the country out of this apocalyptic crisis by simply cutting spending. Colombia needs to grow again, and to grow we need private investment, we need projects to return, companies to return, there needs to be employment, construction, infrastructure, and above all, opportunities. That's why we're going to eliminate obstacles, streamline procedures, mobilize development banks, use guarantees, and promote partnerships between the public and private sectors. What we received was a country with more debt, more bureaucracy, less investment, and less room to maneuver. A state that spent what it had, committed what it didn't have, and almost completely exhausted the credit that was supposed to last the whole year. That's what we're correcting, that's what we're fixing. As a government, we cannot adopt the fiscal irresponsibility and corruption of the past government. This compels us not only to tell the country, the markets, and the world the truth as it is, but also to relentlessly pursue those responsible for this disaster, those who lied about the figures, those who compromised Colombia's future, and those who turned the public treasury into plunder. They will answer for it. "I will not let you rest. I'm coming for all of you. The budget of truth is the first step in pursuing this whole gang of bandits, because it means telling Colombians how much we owe, how much we have, and how much we can spend. It means stopping hiding the problems and starting to solve them, and of course, uncovering who caused this entire disaster. We are going to put the accounts in order, we are going to regain control over public funds, we are going to combat waste and corruption, and above all, we are going to make Colombia grow again in the right way, with investment, with businesses, with jobs, and with wealth creation, as it should be. That is the path we have chosen, and that is the path we are going to follow. My dear compatriots, tonight, my dear compatriots, I want to address A second point. University autonomy is not above public order. What is happening at some universities in the country is unacceptable. Peaceful protest exercised within the framework of the Constitution and the law will be respected and guaranteed by my government. But urban terrorism, vandalism, the destruction of infrastructure, and attacks against our public forces and the civilian population are not protests; they are actions that the State has a duty to confront decisively. Universities have autonomy; that is not up for debate. But university autonomy does not mean autonomy in matters of public order, nor does it transform campuses into territories exempt from the Constitution, the law, and the legitimate authority of the State. That is why I have given clear instructions to establish a national protocol for action that will allow us to distinguish between the legitimate exercise of protest and acts of violence, flagrant offenses, danger, or extraordinary disturbances of public order that undoubtedly require the intervention of the authorities. The National Police will be the primary operational authority to address these situations and may act when acts of vandalism or terrorism are being planned from within universities. I will not allow that Public universities must not remain sanctuaries of violence under any circumstances. This decision protects students, protects law enforcement, and protects the State itself. It guarantees all the rights of students who want to study, debate, and peacefully protest. But to those who intend to use a university to prepare terrorist attacks, store materials intended for violence, or assault citizens or members of law enforcement , I say with absolute clarity: university autonomy is not a license for impunity, and I will come after you, even entering universities to remove you and make you pay. The university is a territory of knowledge, ideas, and debate. It can never become a refuge for violence or terrorism. The third point of this address concerns our relationship with the United States, specifically the Barranquilla Accords, which were signed here and are undoubtedly of enormous importance for the present and future of our nation. This week, I received the United States Secretary of State , Marco Rubio, here at the Presidential Palace in Barranquilla, in a visit that marks a new stage in the strategic relationship between our countries. countries, and we decided to do it from Barranquilla because this government has a conviction. Colombia is not governed solely from Bogotá. Colombia is governed from its regions. From that meeting with Secretary Rubio emerged a roadmap that we have called the Barranquilla Agreements, built around three major objectives or purposes: rebuilding the nation, recovering the economy, and protecting the hemisphere. First, we moved forward with an agenda so that international cooperation, financing, and private investment contribute to the reconstruction of the areas affected by the earthquake. The United States has already demonstrated its solidarity with Colombia with $26.5 million in humanitarian assistance after the earthquake. And now we want to take the next step: immediate aid. Through a long-term strategic partnership, we want to attract investment in infrastructure, energy, housing, technology, and productive reconstruction. Colombia will contribute projects, territory, capacity, productivity, and clear rules, and we will seek to mobilize investment, financing, technology, and entrepreneurial capacity. Second, we agreed to move toward a much more ambitious economic relationship. We propose consolidating a bilateral dialogue on prosperity and working on concrete opportunities in energy, infrastructure, technology, Industry, reconstruction, and critical minerals. Colombia cannot resign itself to exporting raw materials. We want investment, processing, technology transfer, industrialization, and above all, decent, better-quality jobs for Colombians. Third, we talked about security. Colombia is determined to once again consolidate its position as the United States' main security partner in South America. I proposed to Secretary Rubio the Patriot 21st Century Plan to strengthen and modernize our capabilities in aviation, radar, drones and anti-drone systems, air defense, intelligence, cyber defense, mobility, and special forces. I also proposed a multi-year agreement to confront narcoterrorism appropriately, attacking the entire criminal chain: illicit crops, laboratories, precursors, routes, leaders, armed organizations, money laundering , criminal assets, and international networks. My position is clear and unequivocal, Colombians. Our country will fulfill its commitments and demands effective co-responsibility in the fight against narcoterrorism and transnational crime. I also presented my vision for the Shield of the Americas, strengthening intelligence and the exchange of Information and operational coordination to protect our borders and our air, sea, land, and river routes. Colombia will decisively collaborate on border matters in the fight against drug trafficking, migrant smuggling, and transnational criminal organizations. Colombia will never again be a sanctuary for criminals. We will maintain our active extradition policy, as I have been doing, and we will continue to pursue not only drug traffickers and terrorists, but also the money that sustains their organizations: money laundering, criminal assets, hidden wealth, and resources derived from corruption. And there is another concrete result, my dear compatriots, for Barranquilla. We are going, with God's help, to have a United States consulate in the city, bringing services closer to citizens and deepening economic and business ties with the Colombian Caribbean, which is fundamental to the relationship with the United States. This renewed alliance with the United States is not built on subordination or dependence. Colombia engages with the world based on its own national interests, with sovereignty and autonomy. Pragmatism and a long- term vision. We're not just talking about what the United States can do for Colombia. I spoke with Secretary Rubio about what Colombia and the United States can do together for the Americas, for the world. Now begins the most important stage: transforming the Barranquilla agreements into projects, investment, jobs, cooperation, security, and above all, as I prefer, concrete results for Colombians. Rebuilding the nation, recovering the economy, and securing the hemisphere. Fourth point of this address: agreements for Chocó between the government and business leaders. I also want to tell you what we are doing decisively and wholeheartedly for Chocó . A few days ago, I arrived in Kipdó with the country's leading and most important businesspeople with a very clear purpose: to stop talking about the historical debt owed to Chocó and finally begin to pay it with investment, infrastructure projects, jobs, and opportunities. We brought together the government, the private sector, and key stakeholders in the department around the same table, and concrete commitments emerged from that meeting . The first commitment, the The Kipdó boardwalk is going to be built. It will be a strategic project to revitalize and transform the Atrato River waterfront, boost tourism and commerce, generate employment, and give a new face to the capital of Chocó. The business leaders who generously accompanied me to Kipdó unanimously expressed their willingness to support the government in structuring and financing this boardwalk project. The money is already in place, and we're going to do it, but we need much more. That's why I proposed to the business leaders structuring a package of investments in road infrastructure for approximately one trillion pesos. If there are no roads, there is nothing. And how do we do it? By combining tax-for-infrastructure projects, public funds, and the decisive participation of that business sector which has shown great solidarity during these terrible times for our country. We want to move forward with six strategic road infrastructure projects: Kipdóimas, Nvita, San José del Palmar, El Cairo, Itmina, Puerto Meluc, the Aldarién road, of course, Tutunendo and Chó, and the strengthening of the Bahía Solano airport. To rescue this beautiful town, a bastion of Colombian tourism. Bancolombia expressed its willingness to support the structuring of this package of road infrastructure projects to turn this roadmap into concrete works. Because there is a fundamental truth, my dear compatriots: where roads go, development goes, and Chocó needs connectivity so that businesses can arrive, products can be shipped out, tourism can grow, and its farmers and entrepreneurs can have real opportunities. We also agreed to seriously study the feasibility of an interoceanic corridor or canal in Chocó, evaluating all its technical, environmental, social, economic, and financial dimensions. I am not announcing that we will build an interoceanic canal tomorrow. I am doing something responsible: studying whether Chocó's privileged geostrategic position can become an opportunity for connectivity between the Atlantic and the Pacific, guaranteeing, of course, environmental protection and the participation of the communities, as it should be. But think about this: that would change Chocó forever. We will also work to transform the department's mineral wealth into wealth for its people. We will move forward with structuring a special mining and tax regime for Chocó that facilitates formalization and allows for the responsible exploitation of its gold, copper, and platinum potential. And we want to take an additional step: establishing a mineral processing and transformation plant right here in Chocó. We don't want a department condemned to extract its wealth only to see it shipped to other parts of the world. We want to add value within the territory, industrialize, generate formal employment as it should be, and ensure that a greater share of that wealth remains in the hands of the people of Chocó. There are also decisions being made regarding energy. The Ministry of Finance is managing 20 billion pesos to guarantee connectivity for the Chocó department's electric utility and another 20 billion to strengthen its sustainability. Additionally, ISA and B Colombia will invest 3 billion pesos to promote solar energy solutions in the Chocó Pacific region, especially in communities with limited access to reliable energy. But this transformation, my dear compatriots, cannot be limited to large-scale projects. Works. That's why companies like Colombina, Bancolombia, and Tecnoglas committed to contributing 5 billion pesos in seed capital through the Impulsa program for entrepreneurs affected by the earthquake. Grupo Nutresa and Nubang committed to 100 scholarships for young people in Chocó. With Olímpica, we are working to open a direct marketing channel for products from Chocó. That is, the Olympic organization will buy everything from local producers. Nubang will join a strategy we discussed at that meeting on banking and financial inclusion, and we also agreed to open marketing opportunities for the biche (a type of fish) produced by entrepreneurs from Kipdó and the department of Chocó through the wholesale market in Antioquia. Furthermore, we want to transform the department's extraordinary natural heritage into opportunities for its communities. With the Santo Domingo Foundation and Fontour, we will advance the strategy of " miracle towns" for tourism, starting with Nuki, which is a beautiful place to attract investment, strengthen entrepreneurship, and develop sustainable tourism that generates income without sacrificing the territory's environmental wealth. And we are evaluating a special incentive program to bring Private investment in Chocó is essential because we need to make investing, producing, and generating formal employment in this department increasingly attractive. But I want to make something very clear. I don't want the meeting I had with the business leaders and the cocoa farmers to end up being just another photo op of businesspeople and officials making promises to Chocó. That's why we're going to establish a special management team for the department, headed by Dr. José Leonida Astobón, who will have direct communication with the presidency and the responsibility of monitoring all these commitments to unblock projects, demand accountability, ensure that timelines are met, and, of course, that results are delivered . Dr. Astobón is from Chocó, and I'm sure he'll do a wonderful job. This is how I want to govern Colombia: sitting at the same table as the government, as the state, in the regions, with the private sector, with the active forces of each department, to solve problems and implement projects, which is what I like. Chocó doesn't need more speeches about its poverty; it needs roads, it needs energy, drinking water, it needs businesses, education, Health, investment, employment, and it needs its enormous wealth to finally translate into well-being for the people of Chocó. That is what we have begun to build. Chocó is not condemned to backwardness. Chocó can become one of the great engines of the nation. My dear compatriots, the fifth topic or point of this presidential address is security, the balance of the first 36 days of my administration. This is a fundamental, substantive issue. Restoring security, order, and authority in Colombia is paramount, because if there is security, we can have everything else. Without security, there is nothing. And look, only 36 days have passed since I took office as President of the Republic, and I want Colombians to know some of the results we have achieved in security, hand in hand with our public forces. In these first few days, we have targeted 24 leaders of the country's main narco-terrorist structures. Nineteen of these criminals were captured, and five died in police and military operations. Among them is alias "Tigre" (Tiger). Pintado, the main leader of the Carolina Ramírez Front. Another bandit, alias Víctor, from that same structure; alias Ruso or Alemán, leader of the 28th Front; alias Bonito, second-in-command of the border commandos; alias Águila, leader of a substructure of the Second Marquetalia; and alias Naim OD Menor, leader of the self-defense forces conquering the Sierra Nevada. But the result, my dear compatriots, is not measured solely by leaders. Since August 7, 17,140 arrests have been made. That's more than 17,000 arrests in just 36 days of government. And we have moved from words to large-scale operations. In Operation Azarías against the Carolina Ramírez Front, 24 criminals died during military operations. Six were captured. A minor was rescued, and 35 firearms were seized. In Operation Amón in El Peñol, Nariño, seven members died during military operations, and five were captured. And in In an operation against the Orion cartel, six criminals were captured and 17,000 detonators and 100 kg of chemical precursors intended for the manufacture of explosives were seized. We are also hitting them where it hurts most: weapons, drugs, and money. In these first 36 days, our security forces have seized 1,761 firearms and 75,613 kg of drugs. Furthermore, we have eradicated 1,506 hectares of coca leaf while continuing to target laboratories, supply chains, trafficking routes, and assets linked to drug trafficking. We are also disrupting criminal economies along the Pozos Colorados- Galán pipeline. Comparing the last 10 days of August with the first 10 days of September, we managed to reduce the volume of illegally extracted hydrocarbons by 24.94% . This represents 652,554 gallons that were prevented from falling into the hands of criminal organizations. Added to this is a decision I promised to make without hesitation from day one: extradition. In the first 32 days of my administration, I have signed 73 extradition orders. These are extraordinary results. I almost forgot a very important detail. In the first days of my administration, we also killed Max Max, the FARC explosives expert, in a rural area near Jamundí, in the Valle del Cauca region. This marks the end of the era in which the State retreated while criminals advanced. Our security forces have a clear mandate: to reclaim territory, pursue the leaders, destroy criminal economies, combat drug trafficking, and protect Colombians. We are not negotiating the authority of the State; we are recovering it, and this is just the beginning. Law-abiding Colombians will receive the full protection of the State; criminals will receive the full legitimate force of the Constitution and the law. The sixth topic of this presidential address is respect for justice, but without usurping the powers of the President of the Republic. I want to refer to two judicial decisions. Recent rulings affect fundamental issues of national security and the fight against narcoterrorism. One relates to offensive air operations against armed groups when there is information about the presence of minors. The other provisionally ordered the suspension of aerial spraying activities in Putumayo while a final decision is made on a tutela action. I want to begin with something that, for me, is beyond dispute. Judicial decisions are respected, and existing orders are obeyed. This government firmly believes in the separation of powers, the independence of judges, and the rule of law. But respecting a judicial decision does not mean relinquishing the right to challenge it through the channels established by the Constitution and the law, especially, my fellow citizens, when I believe a measure may end up... nar interfering with powers that the Constitution expressly granted to the President of the Republic. The Constitution is clear. The president is responsible for leading the public force, maintaining and restoring public order, and directing war operations. These powers, of course, have limits; they must be exercised respecting the Constitution, fundamental rights, and international humanitarian law. But judicial control is one thing, and replacing the government, the president, or the military command in the operational management of the State is quite another. That is why we will use all the appropriate legal mechanisms to defend those powers that the Constitution has given me as President of the Republic. And I want to focus particularly on an extremely sensitive issue: the recruitment of minors by criminal organizations. A child who is recruited is a victim, a kidnapped person. The State has a reinforced obligation of protection towards him and our public force must act. with intelligence, precision, caution and strict respect for the principles of distinction and proportionality. But that protection cannot become an operational advantage for criminals who recruit children. Those who commit the crime are those bandits. We cannot allow a ringleader to conclude that taking minors to a camp guarantees him immunity from state action. That would create a perverse incentive. It would reward precisely the criminal who violates international humanitarian law by recruiting children. The answer cannot be to act without caution, but neither can it be to paralyze the State. Our response must be better intelligence, greater operational precision, rigorous evaluation of each target, and reinforced protection of minors, without ever renouncing the constitutional obligation to confront the narco-terrorist organizations that threaten Colombians. The same applies to the fight against illicit crops. Regarding fumigation and aerial spraying, any decision by this government must have the necessary technical, environmental, health, and territorial support, comply with the corresponding procedures, and do what is legally required, what is legally appropriate or appropriate. But once those requirements are met, the definition and implementation of the anti- drug trafficking policy falls to the constitutionally competent authorities. That is why I have given instructions for the State's legal defense to act firmly. I'm not going to turn this into a fight between the president and the judges. This is not a personal discussion, it is an institutional discussion. The guardianship exists to protect fundamental rights and that guarantee will be respected by my government. But the rule of law also implies that each branch of government exercises the powers assigned to it by the Constitution. A state governed by the rule of law cannot become a state without authority. Protecting fundamental rights and guaranteeing the safety of Colombians are not incompatible objectives. We have to do both things. Absolute respect for justice, but equally firm defense of the president's constitutional powers to maintain public order, direct the public force and protect all Colombians. That will be the position of my government. Point seven or topic seven of this presidential address. Dear compatriots, the privileges for the corrupt are over. I want to refer now to a decision I have made that responds to a basic principle of justice. The privileges for the corrupt are over. I have ordered a review and to proceed according to the law and without privileges or considerations to the transfer of those who are deprived of their liberty in military garrisons or police stations without meeting the legal conditions to remain there. Because I want us to understand something. Corruption is not a victimless crime. When someone steals resources meant for feeding our children, there is a child who is being deprived of a plate of food. When someone steals educational resources, a young person is having their future stolen, their opportunities to get ahead. When healthcare money is stolen, there is a patient waiting for medicine, surgery, or a treatment that can mean the difference between life and death. When drinking water resources are stolen, there are families who continue to turn on a tap from which not a single drop of water comes out. And when they steal the budget for a road, a hospital, or a school, they are not stealing from the government, they are stealing directly from the Colombian people. That is why I refuse to accept that those who used privileged positions within the State to plunder public resources that belong to the people, then intend to turn serving a sentence into a privileged stay. So-called white-collar criminals are not criminals of a higher category; they are corrupt, and often the damage they cause is devastating because their victims number in the thousands before they pressure and scheme for privileges for someone convicted of corruption. Think of the children whose food was stolen, the students whose school resources were taken away , the sick whose health money was diverted, and the communities that have been waiting for decades for drinking water because someone turned public resources into a private fortune. It is those families that the State needs to think about. Ending the culture of corruption requires investigations, convictions, and recovery of stolen money, but it also requires ending the perception that in Colombia, going to jail depends on your last name, the position you held, or the connections you have. The law must be the same for everyone. Anyone who steals money meant for children's health, education, or the projects our people need will not receive special consideration for having worn a suit and tie to commit crimes. In this government, power will not be a safe passage for impunity, much less for privileges. Public funds are sacred because they belong to Colombians, and anyone who steals them will face the full force of the law without exception. Eighth point or theme of this speech, the earthquake, the aid that is already arriving. I want to return to the emergency to talk to you not about announcements, but about results that this week began to reach the affected families directly . From day one I said that this tragedy could not become an endless chain of promises, procedures and speeches. The aid had to reach the people and it is already arriving, thank God. This week in El Quindío we began the delivery of 152 tons of construction materials, cement, bricks, paint, pipes and hardware items to advance in the repair of the affected homes. We also provided heavy machinery to support the recovery efforts. We already have 369 housing improvements planned in Armenia, Finlandia, Salento, Calarcáa, Pijao, Córdoba, Latida and Génova with an investment of over 7700 million pesos. In Quimbaya we already have a first house donated by Procon Concrete and we are promoting Marsella Forests which will provide 160 apartments that are ready for families severely affected by the earthquake. But there are fellow countrymen who today have nowhere to live and cannot wait for the reconstruction to be completed. That's why the financial aid also started to be paid out. The beneficiaries in Quimbaya are already, for example, receiving 787,907 pesos per month for the first 3 months for a total of 2,363,721 pesos per family. This support may be extended for an additional 3 months for owners in accordance with the established conditions. I want to clarify something to avoid confusion. This financial support is aimed at families whose homes were destroyed or left in an uninhabitable condition . Those houses that can still be occupied will receive kits of materials to carry out the repairs determined by the technical teams. That can't be done haphazardly, it has to be after the technical exam. This week we also made progress in the Cauca Valley, in Buga. We started with the improvement of 110 homes with an investment of 2.5 billion pesos and thanks to the Argos Foundation, rural housing will be allocated to Pueblo Nuevo and other affected districts. In addition to the 1,000 homes that will be donated by that foundation, 200 will be destined for the Cauca Valley. specifically to families from Algeria, the Eagle and Cairo. And we are also managing another 3.265 billion pesos in rural housing subsidies that will allow us to provide housing solutions to 34 families in Caicedonia and 30 in Alcalá. Reconstruction also means restoring education. In Buga, 23 billion pesos have already been allocated to rebuild the affected blocks of the ITA agricultural educational institution, and in Quimbaya we are prioritizing the reconstruction of two educational institutions with imminent risk of collapse, with an estimated investment of 10 billion pesos, benefiting more than 100 students. We are also protecting jobs. dear compatriots and the small businesses that have suffered so much. For the Cauca Valley, we launched a package of more than 40 billion pesos to support micro-entrepreneurs, merchants, and tourism service providers who have been affected by the earthquake. This includes approximately 25 billion in credit through Bancoldes and 9.289 billion in seed capital from Impulsa for 1,858 affected commercial establishments. And in Quindío we allocated 2,000,000,000 through Fontur to support the recovery of 107 tourist establishments affected in Finlandia and Circascia, in addition to 1 billion pesos to boost micro-businesses and informal businesses with support of up to 5 million pesos per beneficiary. Why are we doing all this? Because rebuilding is not just about putting walls back up, it's about ensuring that a family has a roof over their head again, that a child can return to school, that a shopkeeper can reopen their business, that a worker can keep their job, and that a road can once again connect a farmer to the market. And I want to repeat an instruction I have given to all members of my government. We are not going to rebuild to leave things as they were before the earthquake. Let's take advantage of this tragedy to correct historical problems and improve our territories. The decrees for that have already been signed. Resources are being mobilized, materials are arriving, financial aid has begun to be paid, and the works are starting to move forward. Now our obligation is to accelerate as much as possible. I don't want victims waiting forever for a solution from the State. I want a government in the territory with the people, executing, delivering. If we're going to get up, let's get up better. That too is building the miracle homeland. And the last point, the talent bank of the miracle homeland. And I want to end with this topic because it is good news for all Colombians who trusted in the Miracle Homeland Talent Bank. When we created this initiative, we said that we wanted to open the doors of the state to Colombians who are prepared, capable, and have a vocation for service, without the need for connections, political patrons, or recommendations from anyone. Today we can show the first results. 39 people who arrived through the Talent Bank are already in place, putting their skills, experience and vocation at the service of the nation. And we're aiming for much more. We currently have 174 published resumes pending appointment. These are new opportunities that continue to advance within the process of incorporating talent into the service of the State. In addition, 83 profiles are being evaluated for internal control leadership positions, and this has a fundamental purpose: to strengthen our fight against corruption from within the institutions themselves. We need capable and honest officials to prevent irregularities, exercise control, detect risks, and ensure that public resources reach exactly where they need to go. The talent bank was not created to store resumes, it was created to generate opportunities. Today we have 39 people in office, and 174 resumes published that are pending for appointment. and 83 profiles under evaluation for internal control leadership positions, and many more positions are coming . We are demonstrating that it is possible to open the doors of the State to Colombians who want to serve the country because of their abilities, their experience, their talents and their merits. We're not looking for connections here, we're looking for talent, passion, and patriotism. And that spirit that we are looking for we are going to put at the service of the homeland, Milagro. Today more than ever I stand firm for the homeland. Long live Christ the King. Good evening, dear Colombians. The above was the [musical] speech of the President of the Republic, Abelardo de las Priella. [music]