Dear Prime Minister, Mr. Albin Kurti,

Dear Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Glauk Konjufca,

Dear Ministers of the Government Cabinet,

Dear ambassadors and heads of missions of the Republic of Kosovo,

Dear representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,

Such meetings, without a doubt, give us the opportunity to get out, even for a little, from the daily rhythm of diplomacy and see our foreign policy in a wider horizon. This is especially necessary today, when many of the principles on which the international order of the last decades is based are being called into question.

The relationship between the great powers is changing, while the economy, technology and security have become part of the same race for influence. Multilateral institutions, built on the belief that rules can limit power, are increasingly faced with cases where it is power that tries to define the rules.

In this reality, the way states build and exercise their influence in international relations is of particular importance. Alliances, partnerships and institutions are not only tools through which states pursue their interests, but also important sources of international influence.

For many years, our diplomacy has rightly focused on the support that Kosovo needed: for recognition, membership in international organizations, votes and political support. But relations between states last when, beyond the next request, both sides have reasons to maintain and develop that relationship.

Therefore, the task is to find those points where our interests coincide, where Kosovo has something to offer and where cooperation is in the interest of both parties.

In less than two decades of statehood, Kosovo has managed to build an international position that once seemed much more distant. Today, 121 countries recognize us, while new recognitions during the past year proved that this process is not closed and that attitudes held for years can change.

Non-recognitions are not a single political category. Spain does not have the same history as Greece, Greece does not have the same interests as Slovakia, and none of them see Kosovo in the same way as a country in Latin America or Asia. If we want to change an attitude, we must first understand what bothers them, what interests they have, and what argument might make sense to them.

Diplomacy begins when, before speaking, we try to understand the other person and understand the reasons for their attitudes. In this regard, we have strong legal support: the International Court of Justice has concluded that the declaration of Kosovo's independence did not violate international law. We must use this argument, but of course we will not stop at it alone. Eighteen years after independence, we have the opportunity to talk to countries that still do not recognize us about the Kosovo we have built and what we can do together.

Kosovo has applied for membership in the European Union and continues to wait for this process to move forward. At the same time, we have unequivocally chosen to stay in line with the foreign and security policy of the European Union. Our Euro-Atlantic orientation is clear, but a rules-based order is only reliable if the rules apply equally even when their implementation is politically difficult. If the countries of the Western Balkans are invited to meet the integration criteria, then progress should depend on the criteria and not on the obstacles that a country cannot solve through its own reforms. This should be part of our argument in every European capital.

The Parliamentary Assembly has supported Kosovo's membership in the Council of Europe. Now we expect the process to be completed and our citizens to gain full access to the European mechanisms for the protection of their rights and freedoms. NATO, meanwhile, is part of our security history and the future we aim for as a country. For Kosovo, the connection with the Alliance started in 1999 and continues today with the presence of KFOR and the cooperation that our institutions have built with the allied countries.

The relationship with the United States of America has been decisive for Kosovo and our common history remains a strong bond. However, we must say that the generation of American politicians who lived directly through Kosovo in the nineties is shrinking. Younger generations enter Congress, the administration, the media, and the institutions where American foreign policy is shaped. Many of them do not have Kosovo as part of their personal political memory.

In this work, we can rely much more on the diaspora. Albanians in the United States and in Europe have long played an important role for Kosovo, but now we have a generation that has created a name and connection in universities, institutions, businesses, but also in various professions. We must work more closely with them and use the knowledge, experience and also the contacts they have created in the countries where they live and operate.

Relations with Serbia, as the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister Konjufca mentioned, remain one of the main challenges of our Republic's foreign policy.

Serbia must bear responsibility for the terrorist attack in Banjska, for the attacks on KFOR members, journalists, other citizens, for the surrender of the chief terrorist Milan Radoicic and others involved in this terrorist attack, but also for clarifying the fate of over 1,500 people who disappeared violently during the war in Kosovo. Addressing these issues is a necessary part of any process aimed at a true and lasting normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia.

This responsibility becomes even more sensitive in the light of recent developments. In Zubin Potok, in the Kalludër e Vogël and Jabukë locations, mortal remains have been found that are suspected to belong to the victims of the 1998-1999 war, while our institutions are also working on a third location suspected of being a mass grave.

For our diplomats, this should be a constant matter of communication with the governments and institutions of the countries where they serve: our partners should know that even today, in Kosovo, new evidence of war crimes is being found and that justice for the victims and their families still awaits answers. Therefore, Serbia should be pressured to open the archives.

On the other hand, Serbia continues its hegemonic policy towards Kosovo.

Another serious concern that we must address with our international partners are Vucic's recent statements about the possibility of changing the course of the Iber River.  As you know, Ibër Lepenci and Lake Ujmani are part of a vital system for water supply, for energy, agriculture and the lives of hundreds of thousands of citizens of Kosovo. Unilateral intervention in transboundary water flows would have consequences far beyond a technical issue, as it would affect the water, energy, environmental and human security of our Republic. For this reason, our diplomats must make these statements known in the capitals where they serve and inform the governments of the host countries about the nature and consequences of this absurd as well as threatening idea. We must make it clear that the use of water resources as an instrument of pressure on Kosovo is unacceptable and that such ideas, which revive chauvinistic and destabilizing approaches to Kosovo, must receive the appropriate international attention and reaction. Kosovo expects from its partners that any action that endangers vital water resources for the country will be treated in accordance with the principles of international law for transboundary waters, including their fair and reasonable use and the obligation to prevent significant transboundary damage.

Even the way we govern within the country has weight, because the rights we guarantee to our citizens make what we say about Kosovo abroad more convincing. Kosovo has a strong argument here as well. We have built a state that guarantees communities broad rights and institutional representation. These guarantees are part of our constitutional order and one of the clearest evidences of the kind of state we have chosen to build.

I hope that during these days we will have open and useful conversations about the work ahead of us, hear from you what is changing in the countries where you serve, and see together where we need to focus our attention more.

I thank you for the work you are doing every day for the dignified representation of our Republic. In the challenges that await us, I want you to know that you have our support and that we will be by your side whenever needed.

I wish you good work and useful discussions during these days!

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